The Brief

The Trump administration's plan to undo a landmark finding that climate pollution threatens public health and welfare poses lots of risks for corporate America.

The Environmental Protection Agency's endangerment finding has served as the legal basis for federal climate regulations under the Clean Air Act since 2009. The finding concludes that the accumulation of greenhouse gases such as carbon dioxide in the atmosphere endangers people's health and the well-being of communities. Reaching that determination was a prerequisite to set limits for the pollution. Getting rid of that authority would lead to the repeal of "all greenhouse gas standards" at the federal level, according to the EPA, amounting, it says, to "one of the largest deregulatory actions in American history."

Companies have long complained that the government's efforts to rein in heat-trapping pollution are impractical. But a lot of businesses want the EPA to be in charge of setting national standards of some kind, according to proponents and legal experts, because it helps shield them from lawsuits and creates a predictable environment in which to make big, long-term investments.

"I look at what the administration wants to accomplish with regards to our national security and winning the AI race — we want to have expansive energy production. We have that opportunity. We can do that affordably, and we can do it while we're managing air pollution and greenhouse gas emissions," says Lisa Jacobson, president of the Business Council for Sustainable Energy, whose members include major electricity producers and a trade group for the natural gas industry.

"I would like to focus more on that, than changes to these regulatory policies," Jacobson says, "which will cause disruption in planning and moving forward with projects we need today."

Jeff Holmstead, an environmental lawyer at the firm Bracewell, says he doesn't know of any major industry groups that pushed the EPA to reverse its position on the dangers posed by climate pollution.

"Several of them have opposed it," says Holmstead, who was an EPA official under then-President George W. Bush. "And I know that a number of companies were trying to persuade the administration not to do it."

The American Petroleum Institute, a trade group for oil and gas companies, told NPR that it "continues to support a federal role in regulating greenhouse gas emissions."

The EPA said in a statement to NPR that Congress never authorized the agency to regulate climate pollution under the Clean Air Act. EPA Administrator Lee Zeldin "has long been on the record that the climate is changing," the agency said. "EPA's proposal is primarily legal."

The Trump administration said this spring that it was reconsidering the endangerment finding as part of a sweeping initiative to roll back environmental rules. At the time, Zeldin said the goal was "driving a dagger straight into the heart of the climate change religion."

Public hearings on the EPA's plan are scheduled for this week.

Rain from Hurricane Ian in 2022 floods a street in Charleston, South Carolina. Neighborhoods in Charleston are flooding more often as climate change raises sea levels and drives more intense rainstorms.

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Companies use EPA regulations as a defense in lawsuits

Environmental advocates, public health experts and former EPA employees say the Trump administration's proposal contradicts a long-standing scientific consensus that climate pollution, mainly from burning fossil fuels like oil and coal, is raising global temperatures and driving more intense storms, floods and wildfires that threaten communities.

Zeke Hausfather, a climate scientist whose work is cited in the EPA proposal and in an Energy Department report on the impact of greenhouse gas emissions, said in an online posting that the Trump administration "cherrypicks figures and parts of studies to support a preconceived narrative that minimizes the risk of climate change."

The EPA said in a statement to NPR that it "considered a variety of sources and information in assessing whether the predictions made, and assumptions used, in the 2009 Endangerment Finding are accurate and consistent" with the agency's authority under the Clean Air Act. The Energy Department said in a statement that its climate change report "critically assesses many areas of ongoing scientific inquiry that are frequently assigned high levels of confidence — not by the scientists themselves but by the political bodies involved, such as the United Nations or previous Presidential administrations."

The impacts of rising temperatures are being felt in communities around the United States. And states and localities have filed dozens of lawsuits in recent years alleging fossil fuel companies misled the public for decades about the dangers of burning fossil fuels. The lawsuits seek money to help communities cope with risks and damages from global warming.

Those cases have been filed in state courts. In some instances, the EPA's current regulation of climate pollution has helped protect oil and gas companies from litigation.

A state judge in South Carolina recently dismissed a lawsuit that the city of Charleston filed against companies in the oil and gas industry, in part because, the judge said, greenhouse gas emissions are an issue for the federal government to deal with.

"One of the main defenses that the oil companies are raising in these lawsuits pending in state courts is that there is preemption by the federal Clean Air Act," says Michael Gerrard, a professor at Columbia Law School. "If the federal Clean Air Act is no longer regulating greenhouse gas emissions through EPA, then that defense could go away."

Weakening a defense used by the fossil fuel industry could expose companies to more legal risk, Holmstead says. "There [are] plenty of people out there who want to bring lawsuits," he says, "and it seems like this would just invite a lot more litigation."

Theodore Boutrous, a lawyer for Chevron, says the EPA's proposal to stop regulating climate pollution doesn't affect the oil and gas company's defense. Regardless of what the Trump administration does, the Supreme Court has already ruled that greenhouse gas emissions are covered by the federal Clean Air Act, Boutrous said in an emailed statement to NPR.

But Trump administration supporters think the Supreme Court is poised to overturn that ruling.

The Texas Public Policy Foundation, a conservative advocacy group, said in written comments to the EPA that the Supreme Court "wrongly decided" the 2007 case in which it labeled carbon dioxide as "air pollution" under the Clean Air Act. The group notes that the five justices in the majority on that case are gone from the court. The comments were submitted on behalf of four California businesses and trade groups, including a company that uses natural gas boilers to make tomato products and a trucking association whose members are subject to EPA climate regulations.

EPA Administrator Lee Zeldin testifies before the House Committee on Energy and Commerce's Subcommittee on Environment in May. The EPA has proposed undoing a landmark finding that climate pollution threatens public health and welfare.

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Regulatory debate highlights tensions on the right

Holmstead says it's a toss-up what the Supreme Court would do now.

The court historically has been reluctant to reverse prior rulings, Holmstead says. But he says the court's conservative supermajority "probably would agree that Congress didn't clearly intend for EPA to regulate greenhouse gas emissions."

Such a ruling could create havoc for businesses, according to a trade group for electric utilities. In a 2022 Supreme Court brief, the Edison Electric Institute (EEI) said that having the EPA regulate climate pollution creates an orderly system for cutting emissions while minimizing economic impacts on consumers and businesses. Rolling back the agency's authority could expose companies to a flurry of environmental lawsuits, the group said, adding: "This would be chaos."

"Industry really has accepted the endangerment finding. They have accepted that carbon dioxide and other greenhouse gasses are pollutants and that something needs to be done with that," says Jim Murphy, director of legal advocacy at the National Wildlife Federation, a conservation group.

But in the conservative movement, "there's an element out there that just wants to pretend that [climate change] is not a problem," Murphy says, "and that this is something that snowflakes and soft folks on the left are screaming about."

EEI said in a statement to NPR that it supports EPA "establishing clear, consistent regulatory policies that drive energy infrastructure investment and strengthen America's economic and energy security."

The fact that the EPA is moving ahead with its plan to stop regulating climate pollution despite serious concerns from corporations highlights a growing divide between the business and ideological wings of the Republican Party, says Holmstead, who under George W. Bush's administration ran the EPA office that develops air pollution regulations.

"Traditionally, Republican administrations have believed in trying to reduce the regulatory burden, but I think they've paid more attention to the concerns of the business community," Holmstead says. "And I don't want to suggest that the Trump administration is impervious to those concerns. But for ideological reasons, they are doing a number of things that U.S. business is not supportive of."
Copyright 2025 NPR

Every December, the federal government releases a report that reveals the number of homeless residents in each state and across the country.

It’s now May and the report, which compiles data from a homeless census known as the “point-in-time count,” is nowhere to be found.

That’s a problem because the report dictates how funding is allocated in California and beyond. It also shapes policy decisions and provides the country’s main barometer for how the homelessness crisis is being managed.

The five-month delay is leaving public officials, policymakers and advocates scratching their heads. California has filled the gap by tallying its own data, showing a 9% drop in the number of people sleeping outside. But unlike the official federal report, California’s analysis leaves out information such as the race, age and mental health status of the people who are counted. And without the full federal report, there’s no way to tell where California stands compared to other states.

“It’s a big deal,” said Jesse Rabinowitz, spokesperson for the National Homelessness Law Center. “This is, by what I can tell, the latest any point-in-time count has ever come out, including the years where it was delayed during COVID.”

'Point-in-time' count

For the past two decades, the federal Department of Housing and Urban Development has required local regions to take a census of their homeless populations every other year in a massive undertaking called the point-in-time count. Volunteers go out on foot over a day or two in January and count every person they see living outside. People sleeping in shelters are tallied as well. Counters also conduct surveys of a sample of unhoused people, collecting extra data on people’s race, age, gender, time spent homeless, medical and mental health conditions and more.

The count isn’t perfect (volunteers can easily miss people, and different counties use different methods), but it’s a key tool policy makers use to measure changes in the population.

Each jurisdiction (which is known in HUD parlance as a “continuum of care” and typically is made up of a county and the cities within it) must submit their count to HUD by the spring. They also release their local data to the public. Meanwhile, HUD verifies the data, tallies the total count for each state and for the country as a whole, submits a public report to Congress and uploads more detailed data on its website.

While there’s no legal deadline, that report usually comes out in December of the year of the count. In 2021 and 2020, when COVID disrupted counts, the reports came out the following February and March, respectively.

It’s unclear why the 2025 report still isn’t out. The report is so much later than usual that some counties, including San Francisco, already released their 2026 count data.

HUD refused to comment.

“It is perplexing that HUD has not released this information,” Tara Gallegos, a spokesperson for Gov. Gavin Newsom, said in a statement to CalMatters. “Perhaps the Trump administration is afraid to release clear data that demonstrates California’s strategies for addressing this issue are actually extremely effective.”

What California's data show

California’s data does point to a reduction in homelessness, suggesting the state’s methods are starting to work. Data provided by the Newsom administration, and echoed by an independent analysis, show a 4% overall decrease between 2024 and 2025, and a 9% drop in people sleeping in tents, on the sidewalk, in cars or in other places not meant for habitation.

That data comes from the 30 California continuums of care that counted their street homeless populations last year. The remaining 14 that counted this year instead (they’re only required to count at least every other year) are not included.

“I think it shows that the headwinds in California continue to be very strong and continue to push more people into homelessness,” said Alex Visotzky, senior California policy fellow for the National Alliance to End Homelessness, “but the investments to build up the response to homelessness have made a really big difference and are moving people out of homelessness faster than ever before.”

That runs counter to President Donald Trump’s platform, which holds California up as an example of failed homelessness policy. California follows a principle called “housing first,” which prioritizes getting people into housing immediately and then addressing their other needs (such as mental health and substance use help). The Trump administration wants to end housing first, which it says isn’t working, and instead withhold housing until people enroll in addiction treatment or other programs.

California also uses most of its federal funds to pay for permanent housing, which experts say is the most effective way to end someone’s homelessness. The Trump administration recently tried to divert that money to temporary shelters where people stay for a limited time.

California's homelessness strategy

California is one of 19 states suing the Trump administration over that change. That case is ongoing, but, in a win for the states, a federal judge has temporarily blocked the Trump administration’s changes.

A drop in homelessness in California would have a significant impact on the country’s overall homeless population. Nearly a quarter of all unhoused Americans lived in California as of 2024 — a total of more than 187,000 people, according to the most recent HUD report.

The New York Times found homelessness also dropped in other places around the country last year, including Chicago, Denver, Washington, D.C., Minnesota, Florida and Maine, which it found points to a nationwide reduction.

If homelessness dropped nationwide in 2025, it would be the first time in eight years. In 2024, the national count hit 771,480 — an 18% increase from the year before.

This article was originally published on CalMatters and was republished under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives license.

The Los Angeles City Council is considering a contentious plan to roll back minimum wage increases for tourism workers, as the city faces the looming prospect of a measure to repeal the business tax that could financially ruin the city landing on the November ballot.

The move, approved in a 10-5 vote Wednesday, is an about-face for the council, which voted just last year to increase the minimum wage for airport and hotel workers in the city to $30 an hour by 2028.

Now, the council is considering a plan to delay that boost until 2030, slowing down the pace of annual increases to the minimum wage. City leaders are hoping to stave off a tax repeal that would slash the city budget and lead to major cuts and layoffs. Business leaders behind that ballot initiative garnered enough signatures to get it placed on the ballot but could still withdraw it.

Council President Marqueece Harris-Dawson said Wednesday the city was in ongoing discussions with labor and business leaders to broker a compromise and that he expected the proposal the council was considering would change as those discussions continue.

" There is a commitment on both sides to continue to negotiate," Harris-Dawson said. "It's our role as a council to mediate between two opposing forces: the people who work for us and are residents of this city and the people who have businesses and who, in many cases, are residents of this city."

It's a maneuver hotel workers called a "shakedown" at the City Council meeting, where public comment lasted more than two hours, as dozens of people implored the council not to delay wage increases.

" I would expect my councilmember to stand up for working Angelenos, not help giant companies take money out of our pockets," said Jordan Long, a bartender at LAX who said he lives in Harris-Dawson's district. " Do not be fooled by corporate threats against the city budget."

Business leaders behind the measure to repeal the business tax told LAist they were open to pulling the measure off the ballot if the council goes through with delaying pay bumps.

" This is a huge step in that direction," said Nella McOsker, president of the Central City Association, one of the backers of the measure.

Stuart Waldman with the Valley Industry & Commerce Association told LAist that business groups decided to advance their ballot measure after unions wouldn't broker a deal with them directly.

"The business community has taken a page out of the union playbook to play hardball," he told LAist.

Council members Eunisses Hernandez, Ysabel Jurado, Nithya Raman, Hugo Soto-Martinez and Katy Yaroslavsky voted against the motion.

"We're talking about some of the lowest paid workers in one of the most expensive cities in America," Hernandez said. "This motion sends a terrible message that corporate pressure matters more than workers' lives."

The council has directed the city attorney to draft an ordinance to delay minimum wage increases, and will have to vote again on the proposal. Council President Harris-Dawson noted multiple times that negotiations are ongoing and the proposal could change.

A long political struggle over the 'Olympic wage'

The ordinance to raise minimum wages for tourism workers was celebrated as the "Olympic Wage" and was pegged to the arrival of the 2028 Games in Los Angeles. But a battle to upend it started as soon as the city council passed it last year.

The struggle started when a business group backed by Delta and United Airlines launched a referendum to repeal the wage increase. That effort failed to gather enough signatures.

Unite Here Local 11 responded with its own raft of ballot measures, including raising the minimum wage citywide and requiring Angelenos to vote on building new hotels and event center developments.

That's when business interests introduced their ballot measure to repeal the city's business tax, except for cannabis businesses. That measure gathered enough votes to make the ballot.

What would repealing the business tax do to the city?

The ballot initiative would eliminate the city's gross receipts tax, except for cannabis businesses. That tax is a major revenue source for the city, and will bring in more than $800 million this fiscal year. The tax makes up 10% of the city's general fund, according to a report by the city administrative officer. If passed, tax cut would take effect in 2028.

City Administrative Officer Matthew Szabo warned Wednesday that the council in a report that the measure could send the city into fiscal ruin and lead to major cuts.

"The City would be forced to implement austerity measures far more severe than those seen during the Great Recession or the COVID-19 pandemic," Szabo said.

Councilmember Imelda Padilla put it more strongly.

"This would cause an economic apocalypse for the city," she said to her colleagues.

While the city weighs its options, some workers told the council that their financial plans would be derailed if expected wage increases are delayed.

" I am counting on the wage increase this summer to help me provide for my daughter," said Erick Cruz, a cook at LAX. "That increase is not extra money. It is money for rent, diapers, food, gas, and basic things a young family needs to survive."

Harris-Dawson said that the city council will revisit the issue next Tuesday.

When Jessica Serrato's boyfriend called a few hours into her morning, she was finally able to breathe.

His call meant the internet at his military base wasn't disrupted by any Iranian strikes. It meant that his unit wasn't relocating for their safety like they have before. Most importantly, it meant that he's still alive.

As she whisked pancake batter, Serrato cradled the phone on her shoulder and ran through her routine questions:

"How was guard duty today?" Serrato asked. "Have you had dinner?"

No matter how busy the mother of two kids was, Serrato always answered her partner's call. She missed him. But since the war with Iran broke out, Serrato's need to hear his voice was also driven by worry. Is he safe? How is he holding up mentally? What if this is our last chance to talk?

About 50,000 American troops are currently deployed across the Middle East as hostilities between the U.S. and Iran grind into a third month. The two nations are once again at an impasse — with President Donald Trump on Monday calling Iran's latest demands "garbage" and warning that the ceasefire was on "massive life support."

Military life has always involved some degree of uncertainty. But for many families, including Serrato's, the war in Iran is the first time they are navigating the fear and unknowns that come with having a loved one deployed to an ongoing conflict.

NPR spent time with the family of an Army reservist and got a close look at how the war — with its bursts of fighting, shaky truce and slow-moving peace talks — has reshaped life at home thousands of miles away. The family asked NPR to not name the soldier because they say he fears retribution for being featured in a media story.

In their separate worlds, Serrato and her partner both anxiously looked for signs that the war was winding down.

" If I find out something, I'll let you know," she said over the phone. "If you find out something, let me know?" To which he agreed.

Serrato cleans up the kitchen while her children eat breakfast before school.

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Missed birthdays and school performances

As she whipped up the pancakes, Serrato listened carefully to the tone of her partner's voice — trying to discern if he was stressed or overwhelmed, which can be hard for him to admit on his own.

This morning, he sounded lethargic.

"You're OK?" She asked. "Are you bored?"

He confirmed that he was all right and so Serrato's focus swung back to her children. She could have pried more but she doesn't like to discuss the war in front of her two kids, who are from a previous marriage. At the start of the conflict, Serrato said her 11-year-old daughter Laylah had difficulty concentrating in class, consumed with worst-case scenarios.

"Laylah wants to tell you something," Serrato announced over the phone.

"Chicken butt!" Laylah giggled.

Serrato laughs while talking on the phone with her partner as she drops her children off at school.

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Serrato's children play in the backseat.

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Serrato continued the call from her car. For a few moments, the conversation flowed like he was there — until Serrato mentioned that Laylah had a dance performance in the afternoon.

"I know that's way past your bedtime," she said. "I'll record it and send it to you."

Serrato's partner is expected to return to Los Angeles this summer but she's skeptical. His return date has already been delayed a month — meaning he'll miss Laylah's birthday. Now, the hope is to reunite by August, which is Laylah's first day of sixth grade.

After Serrato dropped off her children at school, she and her partner finally had their first moment truly alone that morning. In a soft voice, he told her that he wanted to come home.

"I know, mi amor."

'I love you. Look out for yourself'

When Serrato's partner volunteered to go on a nine-month deployment to the Middle East, he mainly thought about the extra pay and how it could help buy their first house, she said.

Serrato, who's an assistant at a law firm, reminded herself that they had managed long distance before, when he was deployed to Europe a few years ago. They could do it again, she thought.

His most recent deployment began in October. Come late February, the U.S. and Israel had launched airstrikes in Iran, setting off a series of back-and-forth attacks across the region. Serrato had no idea what was happening until her partner called in the middle of the night. She said she could hear sirens from his end of the line.

"I love you. Look out for yourself. Be aware of your surroundings," she replied, trying her best to sound strong and calm. But as soon as the call ended, Serrato said she broke down.

Serrato holds her partner's dog tags. Serrato doesn't know when her partner will come back home to Los Angeles. His return date has already been delayed a month.

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Over the next few weeks, Serrato and her partner's parents were glued to the news — constantly searching for updates on additional strikes or a potential truce between the U.S. and Iran.

"I would bring up one thing and another thing. 'Did you hear about this? Did you hear anything about that? Did they mention this?' " Serrato said. "And he would tell me the same thing, 'I don't know.' "

But as the conflict dragged on, Serrato couldn't read the headlines anymore — they only added to her stress. She said it was difficult trying to keep up with the rapidly evolving political situation, which would bring moments of hope, quickly dashed by disappointment.

"How many times have they said there's a deadline? How many times have they said, 'OK, there's a ceasefire right now. We're gonna work something out?' " She said, referring to U.S. officials. "I just can't believe anything that they say."

Serrato spends time her kids as they wait for their boba drink orders after school.

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Deployment challenges

A unique aspect to the current conflict is that many service members are being deployed on short notice, according to Shannon Razsadin, the CEO of the Military Family Advisory Network.

A monthslong deployment typically requires a lot of prep work for military families, such as managing finances and arranging childcare. During the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, Razsadin said most families had months to prepare. But under Operation Epic Fury, many service members were sent off in a matter of days.

"During the global war on terror, people had a lot of lead time before their deployments," she said. " Commands were able to help the full family get ready for the deployment so that they knew what to expect when that happened. We don't really have that right now."

Serrato's partner had a few months' notice before he left. But for families of National Guard members or reservists, deployments can be especially challenging because they often don't live near or on military bases — as in Serrato's case — making it harder to access resources and support networks, Razsadin added.

Serrato assembles a piece of furniture at home while she talks to her partner on the phone.

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Kathy Roth-Douquet, CEO of Blue Star Families, said as a result of these sudden deployments, some spouses have had to cut back on their work hours or quit their jobs to hold down the home front.

" This is an extra burden of military service, of the sacrifice that the whole family makes to do the nation's bidding," she said. "And it's even more reason why it's incumbent upon the rest of us to really help support these folks."

'She's the one who gives me strength'

"Have you seen any shooting stars?"

That's how Yadira Dessaint, the mother of the Army reservist, asks her son if he's seen any missiles or drones in the sky. She can't utter those exact words without getting emotional.

Dessaint's son was only a kid when the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan broke out, but she remembers how many men and women lost their lives in the same region that her only child was heading to.

When he told her about his deployment, Dessaint texted him "I'm so proud of you" before she stepped away from work, sat in her car and bawled.

"I called my husband and I was crying on the top of my lungs, like ugly crying in my car," she said.

The hardest moment for Dessaint came March 1 when the Pentagon identified the first U.S. service members killed in the war. The U.S. military death toll has since risen to 14.

That same day, Dessaint's son told her and Serrato that his military base was under attack. The two women immediately called one another and wept.

Their bond has been a silver lining. A week later, Serrato and her children moved into Dessaint's home. The two have since built an unspoken connection, each knowing when the other is feeling especially bogged down by the conflict.

"She'll just come and give me a hug," Serrato said. "She's the one who gives me strength."

Dessaint (left) and Serrato (right) catch up on news from the Middle East.

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'I just miss him feeling OK'

Dessaint and Serrato have started a new tradition in the waiting.

Before bed, they light a candle for St. Michael the Archangel and lower their heads. This evening, her children joined them — setting aside their homework and video games to pray.

Serrato said out loud, " Defend us in the battle. Be our protector."

A framed photo of Serrato's partner hangs at his parents' home, and a shrine with a candle Serrato lit for her partner while he is deployed.

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She was praying not only for her partner's physical protection — but also his mental well-being. As agonizing as it has been at home, Serrato knows it has been tougher for him overseas.

"I can hear it in his voice. Like, I can hear how sad he feels," she said. "I just miss him feeling OK."

It's why her phone is always within reach. Serrato wants to be a steady presence — someone her partner can count on during a war that's unpredictable.

" When I don't know what to say, he just tells me, 'Just be there for me, baby. Just tell me you love me and everything's gonna be OK,'" she said.

So, that's what she tells him over and over. Even when things feel far from OK.

She said, "That's the least I could do."
Copyright 2026 NPR

Serrato pulls out a sweatshirt from her partner's closet.

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The California Science Center has installed the first of more than a dozen aircraft in the museum’s 200,000-square-foot expansion coming to Exposition Park.

As of this week, the front portion of a Boeing 747-400 towers over the ground floor of the Korean Air Aviation Gallery, one of three main spaces in the Samuel Oschin Air and Space Center.

The new center, which recently completed construction, is built around a towering centerpiece: space shuttle Endeavour in its 20-story vertical launch position.

Once open to the public, the center will be the only place in the world to see an authentic space shuttle in its “Go for Stack” position, which is what officials called the months-long process of moving each component into place, according to the museum.

Walter Cho, chairman of Korean Air, said the airline’s namesake gallery is all about inspiring future generations to dream big.

“We want them to see more than airplanes, but the science, engineering and imagination behind them,” Cho said during a news conference Tuesday. “And most importantly, we want them to think, ‘I can do that, too.’”

Jeffrey Rudolph, president and CEO of the California Science Center, said museum officials are working to announce an opening date for the center within the next several weeks. He told LAist that people will be able to visit “well before” the 2028 Olympics.

Admission to the Samuel Oschin Air and Space Center will be free.

What's inside?

The California Science Center unveiled the first few aircraft on display in the Korean Air Aviation Gallery about six months after offering a sneak peak inside the Kent Kresa Space Gallery.

The galleries will guide guests through hundreds of exhibits and authentic artifacts focused on the exploration of the universe — including rocket ships that carried humans into space and telescopes used to view stars and galaxies beyond our reach, according to museum officials.

The Korean Air Aviation Gallery has three themes — learning to fly, everyday flight and advanced aviation, according to the museum. It’s designed to explore the four forces that affect every aircraft: lift, thrust, weight and drag.

“That basically shapes the aircraft, tells you what it has to look like in order to accomplish whatever mission you have,” said Kenneth Phillips, the curator of aerospace programs.

The roughly 20 aircraft that’ll be displayed — some already suspended from the ceiling — were selected by the California Science Center for the engineering principles they can teach.

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The 747, at least the front 70 feet of it, was moved to L.A. last year. After taking thousands of flights under Korean Air for two decades, it was rescued from an “aircraft graveyard” in Arizona, Rudolph said.

Museum crews took the plane apart, reassembled it in the building and gave it a fresh paint job.

Officials said the 747 played a significant role in aviation, helping take the technology from daredevils testing the limits to a regular part of global travel. Visitors will be able to explore the inside of the aircraft and take a simulated five-minute flight from LAX to Seoul.

Walter Cho, chairman of Korean Air, celebrated the first aircraft installed in the Korean Air Aviation Gallery, including the front of a real Boeing 747-400 that was built for the airline in 1993.

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A rendering of the final vision for the Korean Air Aviation Gallery in the Samuel Oschin Air and Space Center.

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The other roughly 20 aircraft that’ll be on display — some are already suspended from the ceiling — were selected for the engineering principles they demonstrate, according to Rudolph.

For example, the section on speed will feature a F-106A Delta Dart, the fastest turbo-jet powered airplane with a single-engine, according to officials. The museum is also working on displaying an F-100D Super Sabre, the world’s first supersonic fighter jet, and a Vampire T.35, the first British aircraft powered by a single jet engine.

This Northrop T-38 Talon was built around 1959 and joined NASA's fleet a few decades later. It was used for air force and astronaut training, according to the museum.

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A de Havilland Vampire T.35 was the first jet to land on and take off from an aircraft carrier, according to the California Science Center.

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The museum is also looking ahead to advanced aviation, including an indoor drone flight area.

Perry Roth-Johnson, curator of science and technology, told LAist he wants visitors to be able to explore the autonomous tech you can already see in L.A. today through self-driving cars like Waymo.

“We want to give people a little cityscape where they can fly drones on sample missions around the city and get a sense of how this technology works,” Roth-Johnson said in an interview.

What's outside?

Construction of the Samuel Oschin Air and Space Center was completed last month, nearly four years after the California Science Center broke ground.

The expansion’s curved stainless-steel design stands out from the museum’s mostly copper-colored exterior.

Construction of the Samuel Oschin Air and Space Center was completed last month, bringing the expansion closer to welcoming visitors.

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LAist

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According to officials, it was inspired by the aerodynamic geometry of the space shuttle. Endeavour itself is hidden beneath a 2,000 ton diagrid structure, peaking at 200-feet-tall, that offers unobstructed views of the artifacts inside.

Steven F. Matt, chairman of MATT Construction — which built the expansion — said that construction was completed successfully without a scratch on the space shuttle.

“This project stands as a tribute to the generations who built our aerospace legacy and will continue to inspire children for decades to come,” Matt said in an April statement.

Amie Nulman, a structural engineer and principal with Arup, which engineered the building, told LAist previously that one of the challenges was making sure the design could withstand earthquakes without damaging the space shuttle. She said the shuttle’s support system is on base isolation, meaning it’s going to glide around when the ground starts to shake.

“The stack is going to be moving different to the building, and so we did a lot of studies to make sure they did not get too close to each other during earthquakes,” Nulman said in a 2024 interview.